To be fair, on the issue of shareholder primacy and managerialism Krein has updated his analysis with his "Real Class War" article. In his estimation, the working class not only lacks any revolutionary potential but also is completely incapable of influencing public policy beyond protest voting. An increasingly restive professional-managerial class must now reckon with the fact that the policies they championed and are complicit in passing are hollowing them out to the benefit of the top .1 percent. The once-dominant managers are under threat not from the working class but from the owners, and any change to that is going to require on the part of professional defectors from the status quo, to use Vermuellian terminology, "integration from within" or a populist managerialism.
So while I think these critiques are aptly directed at certain portions of the populist right, it is also clear that we are really still at the very early stages of building an infrastructure to promote these ideas and matters of emphasis like big tech censorship vs. big tech market power, scattershot tariffs vs. a concentrated program to reshore manufacturing, predistribution vs. redistribution, and whatever trade-off there might be between the social and economic value of immigration are being and will continue to be worked through. There are many on the right now open to policies like universal healthcare and these ideas will continue to be in flux for some time. We really are only at the beginning. For now, what we hear from populists on the right is a useful shift from the reigning orthodoxy of the previous 60 years. Such intellectual shifts are generally protracted, painful processes.
Could you write more on right to work laws? Without doing much research my initial thought is they're nuetral to negative for workers, but I'm guessing it's one of those depends on the details.
Idk like states could allow "non active" union members after X time period that pay a discount on union member dues if they've had sufficient time to think the union is out of step. I'm guessing it's wayyy more complicated than that for labor laws around collective bargaining and strikes. How long would they be obligated to strike ig would be one question. Obligated for 10 working days but it's binding if they vote for the strike?
Populism isn't an ideology, it's an affiliation. A hangman's noose is what they have to offer. Identity politics and culture wars determine populist allegiances and the success of populist leaders. Bad feelings about the economy fuel the poplulist fires of resentment, like a cattle prod.
I'm not convinced. The arguments around globalization are too broad & sources from across political spectra have not been considered. With populism framed as "Left-Right" it evades contra arguments from emerging ecological & anti-global politics. Plus many sources supporting the rights positions are dated. I think it's not looking deeply enough into the real cultural trun that's happened.
Culture wars are never settled forever. The young right today is the new counter culture and you will see it build upon Gen Z, not millenials. I just find the argument here mostly technicalities. There is a deep dissatisfaction with liberalism building. The left and young right have much in common on anti war, anti global corp, sane immigration, urban and regional community building, and new economics.
Very thoughtful and detailed piece. I am inclined to agree with you.
I think the deeper concern for the populist right has been their loss in culture war which they attribute to bourgeois cosmopolitanism and finance capital.
This I think motivates them to attack big business especially Hollywood, Silicon Valley and sectors in general which are associated with it.
To be fair, on the issue of shareholder primacy and managerialism Krein has updated his analysis with his "Real Class War" article. In his estimation, the working class not only lacks any revolutionary potential but also is completely incapable of influencing public policy beyond protest voting. An increasingly restive professional-managerial class must now reckon with the fact that the policies they championed and are complicit in passing are hollowing them out to the benefit of the top .1 percent. The once-dominant managers are under threat not from the working class but from the owners, and any change to that is going to require on the part of professional defectors from the status quo, to use Vermuellian terminology, "integration from within" or a populist managerialism.
So while I think these critiques are aptly directed at certain portions of the populist right, it is also clear that we are really still at the very early stages of building an infrastructure to promote these ideas and matters of emphasis like big tech censorship vs. big tech market power, scattershot tariffs vs. a concentrated program to reshore manufacturing, predistribution vs. redistribution, and whatever trade-off there might be between the social and economic value of immigration are being and will continue to be worked through. There are many on the right now open to policies like universal healthcare and these ideas will continue to be in flux for some time. We really are only at the beginning. For now, what we hear from populists on the right is a useful shift from the reigning orthodoxy of the previous 60 years. Such intellectual shifts are generally protracted, painful processes.
That's a compelling argument. I find it very supportable and even hopeful. From up here in Canada...
Could you write more on right to work laws? Without doing much research my initial thought is they're nuetral to negative for workers, but I'm guessing it's one of those depends on the details.
Idk like states could allow "non active" union members after X time period that pay a discount on union member dues if they've had sufficient time to think the union is out of step. I'm guessing it's wayyy more complicated than that for labor laws around collective bargaining and strikes. How long would they be obligated to strike ig would be one question. Obligated for 10 working days but it's binding if they vote for the strike?
Populism isn't an ideology, it's an affiliation. A hangman's noose is what they have to offer. Identity politics and culture wars determine populist allegiances and the success of populist leaders. Bad feelings about the economy fuel the poplulist fires of resentment, like a cattle prod.
I'm not convinced. The arguments around globalization are too broad & sources from across political spectra have not been considered. With populism framed as "Left-Right" it evades contra arguments from emerging ecological & anti-global politics. Plus many sources supporting the rights positions are dated. I think it's not looking deeply enough into the real cultural trun that's happened.
Culture wars are never settled forever. The young right today is the new counter culture and you will see it build upon Gen Z, not millenials. I just find the argument here mostly technicalities. There is a deep dissatisfaction with liberalism building. The left and young right have much in common on anti war, anti global corp, sane immigration, urban and regional community building, and new economics.
Very thoughtful and detailed piece. I am inclined to agree with you.
I think the deeper concern for the populist right has been their loss in culture war which they attribute to bourgeois cosmopolitanism and finance capital.
This I think motivates them to attack big business especially Hollywood, Silicon Valley and sectors in general which are associated with it.